Armed Algorithms

Control over infrastructure is just as important as ownership: not just in the cyber world

Networks, data centres, airports or drones. The competition is not just about having the greatest capacity, but about who can decide when others’ capacity will become available, when it will cease to be available, and how long it will take to restore it. And AI is a lever that works both ways

Un soldato utilizza un drone e un computer portatile per effettuare ricognizioni durante un’operazione militare Adobe Stock

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

On 31 October, the Associated Press published an investigation into more than 115 attacks claimed by Iran and allied groups against US installations in the Middle East. Between February and August, the attacks damaged 26 sites, primarily targeting radar, early-warning systems, communications and logistics, with the aim of compromising surveillance and interception capabilities. A destroyed sensor effectively means time lost in decision-making: an algorithm can process data in milliseconds, but without a source to provide it, it is a useless tool. This highlights the extent to which geopolitical competition is shifting from the possession of capabilities to control over the conditions necessary to utilise them. In the Mediterranean, it is not just a question of who will have the infrastructure, but who will be able to influence its construction, operation and replacement.

A country may have the most advanced aircraft and yet be unable to get them off the ground. At the same time, it may have the best anti-missile systems and yet fail to detect an incoming threat. Billions invested in artificial intelligence can be rendered useless by control of a maritime corridor.

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Maritime surveillance

Control of maritime space, in particular, has also become a means of exerting influence over technological infrastructure. It is not necessary to own a cable to influence its construction. It is sufficient to challenge the right to carry out the activities necessary for its laying. And in the Mediterranean, the struggle in this regard has intensified, as demonstrated by the dispute over the East to Med Data Corridor, a submarine cable that will link Saudi Arabia, Cyprus and Greece. Ankara maintains that certain seabed surveys, necessary for its construction, require Turkish consent. The dispute, therefore, begins even before the infrastructure exists. Disputes at sea no longer concern only oil and gas fields, fishing or borders. They now concern the conditions under which the digital connections of tomorrow can be established.

The Strait of Hormuz adds another dimension. To influence a corridor, it is not necessary to close it off completely. It may be enough simply to increase the uncertainty surrounding it, by shifting the risk onto insurers, costs and operators’ decisions. The availability of a route thus becomes a bargaining chip, even without gaining permanent control over it.

The Power of Artificial Intelligence

This is a contradiction that directly concerns AI. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are channelling energy and capital into computational infrastructure. But data centres and the cloud depend on electricity, cooling, components, connectivity and the continuity of supply. Concentrating these resources produces economies of scale; it can also concentrate vulnerabilities. The advantage of technological power is not measured solely in terms of installed capacity, but in the ability to keep it available during a crisis.

The criteria for sovereignty are therefore changing. Having a data centre on one’s own territory does not mean controlling the models that operate there. Purchasing a military platform does not guarantee the ability to update it without the manufacturer. Owning a semiconductor factory does not ensure that a production disruption can be compensated for elsewhere. The incident at the Intel plant in Israel serves as a reminder that critical dependence can arise even without an attack.

Autonomy and redundancy are not enough

Autonomy is not the same as autarky. It consists of having genuinely viable alternatives. Two cloud systems do not guarantee redundancy if they depend on the same identity system. Two connections are not independent if they pass through the same bottleneck. Two defence systems do not ensure continuity if they receive information from the same sensor. Counting resources without mapping out their dependencies means confusing duplication with resilience.

Three dimensions of strategic power thus emerge, which can be exercised at different times: influencing the development of a capability, compromising its operation, and limiting its replaceability when it fails. The first determines which infrastructures may be established and under what conditions. The second determines whether they can continue to operate. The third establishes how long an adversary will remain deprived of what it has lost. It is no longer merely a competition to acquire capabilities, but to control their entire life cycle.

Time becomes the measure of this control. How long does it take to restore a capability, compared with how long we can afford to lose it? If the former exceeds the latter, we are faced with a strategic dependency. AI makes this asymmetry more critical: it accelerates observation, analysis and decision-making, but does not eliminate the physical and industrial conditions that make them possible. Indeed, it increases the value of the points capable of interrupting them.

In the wider Mediterranean, where shipping routes, energy, military bases and digital connections intersect, these three dimensions are redefining the geography of power. Competition is no longer solely about who possesses the greatest capabilities, but about who can decide when others’ capabilities will become available, when they will cease to be so, and how long it will take to regain them. Superiority, then, is measured not only by what we are capable of doing, but by what we can continue to do when someone tries to prevent us from doing so.

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