Troubled waters

Alliance between Italia, Tunisia and Greece on maritime borders. Against Libya and Turkey

A battle of official documents at the UN. Rome has submitted a technical update on its areas of jurisdiction. It is contesting Tripoli’s expansionist claims, which are already under scrutiny by Athens and Tunis. In the background lie gas, undersea cables and competition in the eastern Mediterranean, where Ankara fears Greece’s moves

by Agostino Dossena

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5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

Whilst political attention is focused on the Middle East, migration flows and the destabilising presence of Russia in the Maghreb, a delicate game is being played out at the UN: that of maritime boundaries and the potential exploitation of resources on the Mediterranean seabed. Italia, Greece and Tunisia find themselves allied in redefining the EEZs, exclusive economic zones, and jurisdiction over the continental shelves. On the other hand, there is Libya’s desire for expansion, clearly supported by Recep Erdogan’s Turkey as part of an anti-Athens strategy.

A line drawn on a map cannot be seen in real life. This is all the more true when, instead of the mainland – where boundaries can, to some extent, be identified and recognised – we are talking about seas and nautical charts. But those lines serve to demarcate a state’s territorial waters, which extend from the coast for 12 miles out to sea. Beyond those 12 miles, the distances used to identify other maritime areas – such as exclusive economic zones and continental shelves – are calculated, and any change or update to these coordinates alters the geopolitical landscape.

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On 24 September, Italia submitted the new coordinates of its baselines to the United Nations, replacing the previous submission which dated back to 1996. The document was registered by the UN under the reference M.Z.N. 177.2026.LOS and follows the update to Italian legislation approved by Law No. 70 of 7 May 2026. The coordinates have been updated to bring the Italian system into line with the current state of the coastline and to further amend the previous framework, which dated back to 1977. In other words, only the technical reference point used for calculations has changed; the principle that the Mediterranean is divided amongst states on the basis of international law and any agreements or delimitations remains unchanged.

Where are a country’s maritime boundaries measured from?

Every coastal state needs a point of reference to determine the extent of its territorial waters. This reference point is the baseline, which is generally linked to the coastline. Starting from that line, the territorial sea is measured first, which can extend up to 12 nautical miles. Further from the coast, there are other zones in which the State may exercise specific rights and jurisdiction. The most important of these, for many economic activities, is the exclusive economic zone, or EEZ, which can extend up to 200 nautical miles from the baseline. This does not mean that those waters are incorporated into the State’s territory. Above all, the state has sovereign rights over natural resources, including fish, oil and gas, and may exercise jurisdiction over certain activities and infrastructure. However, in accordance with international rules, freedoms such as navigation and overflight remain.

Another issue is the continental shelf, which concerns the seabed and the subsoil and takes on particular importance when energy resources come into play.

The problem is that the Mediterranean is not an open ocean. The coasts are close together and the distances between states are often less than 400 nautical miles (the distance required for two countries to each extend an EEZ up to 200 miles without overlap). When maritime projections meet, agreed delimitations are required; otherwise, where no agreement exists, diplomatic and legal disputes remain unresolved, as in the Italian-Libyan case in question

The Tripoli Charter and the Italian protest

On 27 May 2025, Libya submitted a declaration to the UN regarding the outer limits of its continental shelf, accompanied by a map showing Tripoli’s position. Greece has contested these claims, arguing that some of the areas indicated by Libya fall within zones that Athens considers to be part of its own continental shelf south of Crete.

Italia has also taken a stance. On 24 May 2026, Rome sent a note of protest to Libya, which was subsequently forwarded to the United Nations, arguing that certain segments of the boundary claimed by Tripoli infringe upon Italian rights and interests. The most sensitive issue concerns an area lying between the 13°50’ East and 15°10’ East meridians. These are maritime boundaries that cross the central Mediterranean and which have legal significance because they are linked to the 1985 ruling of the International Court of Justice on the dispute between Libya and Malta. That ruling upheld Italian rights. Rome, therefore, contests the provisions it considers incompatible with its own rights and calls for the matter to be addressed through negotiation and in accordance with international law.

Why is the seabed so interesting?

 Italia, Libya, Greece and even Tunisia are paying close attention to lines drawn on maps because there may be resources beneath those waters and because infrastructure and submarine cables run along the seabed, which now hold strategic value.

The GreenStream – a 516-kilometre-long gas pipeline connecting Mellitah, on the Libyan coast, to Gela – already runs between Libya and Sicily. The pipeline brings gas produced in Libya to Italia and is operated by a company jointly owned in equal parts by Eni North Africa and the Libyan national oil company, NOC.

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Then there are the submarine cables for communications. These are the infrastructure networks that carry a vital proportion of data between continents and countries. According to the European Commission, around 99 per cent of intercontinental internet traffic passes through submarine cables. Brussels has therefore begun to regard their security as a strategic issue, introducing a dedicated ‘Cable Security Toolbox’ in 2026 and funding new tools to enhance network protection.

This means that a dispute over maritime boundaries may also come into play when deciding where to install offshore infrastructure, where to route a pipeline or how to protect an underwater cable.

From Libya to Crete, it’s the same old story

For years, Greece has been at odds with Libya and Turkey over their respective maritime claims. At the heart of the matter is also the 2019 memorandum signed by Ankara and the Libyan government of the time, an agreement that Athens contests because, according to the Greek position, it fails to take into account the maritime rights of the Greek islands, including Crete. The issue has become even more pressing with gas exploration. Athens has continued to carry out exploration activities south and south-west of Crete. Last February, a consortium led by Chevron signed agreements for natural gas exploration in four deep-water areas off the coast of southern Greece, including areas near Crete and the Peloponnese. Some of these areas overlap with zones claimed by Libya on the basis of its maritime position and the memorandum with Turkey, which seeks to counter the interests of Athens.

Furthermore, Tunisia and Egypt have also contested certain Libyan claims. Tunis has referred to the 1982 ruling of the International Court of Justice on the continental shelf between Tunisia and Libya and the 1988 bilateral agreement, arguing that Libya’s position exceeds the limits derived from those precedents.

For Italia, however, two distinct issues must be kept separate. On the one hand, there is the submission of 24 September, which represents a technical update of the national baselines and which Rome expressly defines as the implementation of Law 70/2026. On the other hand, there is the dispute with Tripoli over the continental shelf, which remains a separate legal and diplomatic issue. This is difficult to manage, given the good relations with the country that are necessary to meet our energy needs.

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